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主 题: 历史文献,放这里一份:1225年《大宪章》(人气:919)
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1 楼: 历史文献,放这里一份:1225年《大... 05年03月23日15点29分


受命于天的英格兰国王兼领爱尔兰宗主,诺曼底与阿奎丹公爵、安茹伯爵约翰,谨向大主教,主教,住持,伯爵,男爵,法官,森林官,执行吏,典狱官,差人,及其管家吏与忠顺的人民致候。

由于可敬的神父们,坎特伯里大主教,英格兰大教长兼圣罗马教会红衣主教斯提芬;杜伯林大主教亨利……暨培姆布卢克大司仪伯爵威廉;索斯伯利伯爵威廉……等贵族,及其他忠顺臣民谏议,使余等知道,为了余等自身以及余等之先人与后代灵魂的安全,同时也为了圣教会的昌盛和王国的兴隆,上帝的意旨使余等承认下列诸端,并昭告全国:

(1)首先,余等及余等之后嗣坚决应许上帝,根据本宪章,英国教会当享有自由,其权利将不受干扰,其自由将不受侵犯。关于英格兰教会所视为最重要与最必需之自由选举,在余等与诸男爵发生不睦之前曾自动地或按照己意用特许状所颁赐者,——同时经余等请得教王英诺森三世所同意者——余等及余等之世代子孙当永以善意遵守。此外,余等及余等之子孙后代,同时亦以下面附列之各项自由给予余等王国内一切自由人民,并允许严行遵守,永矢勿渝。

(2)任何伯爵或男爵,或因军役而自余等直接领有采地之人身故时,如有已达成年之继承者,于按照旧时数额缴纳承继税后,即可享有其遗产。计伯爵继承人于缴纳一百镑后,即可享受伯爵全部遗产;男爵继承人于缴纳一百镑后,即可享受男爵全部遗产;武士继承人于最多缴纳一百先令后,即可享受全部武士封地。其他均应按照采地旧有习惯,应少交者须少交。

(3)上述诸人之继承人如未达成年,须受监护者,应于成年后以其遗产交付之,不得收取任何继承税或产业转移税。

(4)凡经管前款所述未达成年之继承人之土地者,除自该项土地上收取适当数量之产品,及按照习惯应行征取之赋税与力役外,不得多有需索以免耗费人力与物力。如余等以该项土地之监护权委托执行吏或其他人等,俾对其收益向余等负责,而其人使所保管之财产遭受浪费与损毁时,余等将处此人以罚金,并将该项土地转交该采地中合法与端正之人士二人,俾对该项收益能向余等或余等所指定之人负责。如余等将该项土地之监护权赐予或售予任何人,而其人使土地遭受浪费与损毁时,即须丧失监护权,并将此项土地交由该采地中之合法与端正人士二人,按照前述条件向余等负责。

(5)此外,监护人在经管土地期间,应自该项土地之收益中拨出专款为房屋、园地、鱼塘、池沼、磨坊及其他附属物修缮费用,俾能井井有条。继承人达成年时,即应按照耕耘时之需要,就该项土地收益所许可之范围内置备犁、锄、与其他农具,附于其全部土地内归还之。

(6)继承人得在不贬抑其身分之条件下结婚,但在订婚前应向其宅人之卑属亲族通告。

(7)寡妇于其夫身故后,应不受任何留难而立即获得其嫁资与遗产。寡妇之嫁奁,嫁资,及其应得之遗产与其夫逝世前为二人共同保有之物品,俱不付任何代价。[自愿改醮]之寡妇得于其夫身故后,居留夫宅四十日,在此期间其嫁奁应交还之。

(8)寡妇之自愿孀居者,不得强迫其改醮,但寡妇本人,如执有余等之土地时,应提供保证,未得余等同意前不改醮。执有其他领主之土地者,亦应获得其他领主同意。

(9)凡债务人之动产足以抵偿其债务时,无论余等或余等之执行吏,均不得强取收入以抵偿债务。如负债人之财产足以抵偿其债务,即不得使该项债务之担保人受扣押动产之处分。但如债务人不能偿还债务,或无力偿还债务时,担保人应即负责清偿。担保人如愿意时,可扣押债务人之土地与收入,甚至后者偿还其前所代偿之债务时为止。惟该债务人能证明其所清偿已超过保人担保之额著,不在此限。

(10)任何向犹太人借债者,不论其数额多少,如在未清偿前身故,此项债款在负责清偿之继承人未达成年之前不得负有利息,如此项债务落入余等之手,则余等除契据上载明之动产以外,不得收取任何其他物品。

(11)欠付犹太人债务者亡故时,其妻仍应获得其嫁资,不负偿债之责。亡故者如有未成年之子女时,应按亡者遗产之性质,留备彼等之教养费,剩余数额,除扣还领主应得之报效外,始可作为清偿债务之用。关于犹太人以外之债务,同样依此规定处理。

(12)除下列三项税金外,设无全国公意许可,将不征收任何免役税与贡金。即(一)赎回余等身体时之赎金[指被俘时]。(二)策封余等之长子为武士时之费用。(三)余等之长女出嫁时之费用——但以一次为限。且为此三项目的征收之贡金亦务求适当。关于伦敦城之贡金,按同样规定办理。

(13)伦敦城,无论水上或陆上,俱应享有其旧有之自由与自由习惯。其他城市、州、市镇,港口,余等亦承认或赐予彼等以保有自由与自由习惯之权。

(14)凡在上述征收范围之外,余等如欲征收贡金与免役税,应用加盖印信之诏书致送各大主教,主教,住持,伯爵与男爵指明时间与地点召集会议,以期获得全国公意。此项诏书之送达,至少应在开会以前四十日,此外,余等仍应通过执行吏与管家吏普遍召集凡直接领有余等之土地者。召集之缘由应于诏书内载明。召集之后,前项事件应在指定日期依出席者之公意进行,不以缺席人数阻延之。

(15)自此以往,除为赎还其本人之身体,策封其长子为武士,与一度出嫁其长女以外。余等不得准许任何人向其自由人征取贡金。而为上述目的所征收之贡金数额亦务求合乎情理。

(16)不得强迫执有武士采地,或其他自由保有地之人,服额外之役。

(17)一般诉讼应在一定地方审问,无需追随国王法庭请求处理。

(18)凡关于强占土地,收回遗产及最后控诉等案件,应不在该案件所发生之州以外地区审理。其方法如下:由余等自己,或余等不在国内时,由余等之大法官,指定法官二人,每年四次分赴各州郡,会同该州郡所推选之武士四人,在指定之日期,于该州郡法庭所在地审理之。

(19)州郡法庭开庭之日,如上述案件未能审理,则应就当日出庭之武士与自由佃农中酌留适当人数,俾能按照事件性质之轻重作出合宜裁决。

(20)自由人犯轻罪者,应按犯罪之程度科以罚金;犯重罪者应按其犯罪之大小没收其土地,与居室以外之财产;对于商人适用同样规定,但不得没收其货物。凡余等所辖之农奴犯罪时,亦应同样科以罚金,但不得没收其农具。上述罚金,须凭邻居正直之人宣誓证明,始得科罚。

(21)伯爵与男爵,非经其同级贵族陪审,并按照罪行程度外不得科以罚金。

(22)教士犯罪时,仅能按照处罚上述诸人之方法,就其在俗之财产科以罚金;不得按照其教士采地之收益为标准科处罚金。

(23)不得强迫任何市镇与个人修造渡河桥梁,惟向未负有修桥之责者不在此限。

(24)余等之执行吏,巡察吏,检验吏与管家等,均不得受理向余等提出之诉讼。

(25)一切州郡,百人村,小镇市,小区——余等自己之汤沐邑在外——均应按照旧章征收赋税,不得有任何增加。

(26)凡领受余等之采地者亡故时,执有余等向该亡故者索欠之特许证状之执行吏或管家应即依公正人士数人之意见,按照债务数额,将该亡故者之动产加以登记与扣押,使在偿清余等债务之前不得移动。偿清后之剩余,应即交由死者之遗嘱执行人处理。如死者不欠余等之债,则除为其妻子酌留相当部分外,其余一切动产概依亡者所指定之用途处理。

(27)任何未立遗嘱之自由人亡故时,其所遗动产应依教会之意见,经由其戚友之手分配之,但偿还死者债务之部分应予留出。

(28)余等之巡察吏或管家吏,除立即支付价款外,不得自任何人之处擅取谷物或其他动产,但依出售者之意志允予延期付款者不在此限。

(29)武士如愿亲自执行守卫勤务,或因正当理由不能亲自执行,而委托合适之人代为执

行时,巡察吏即不得向之强索财物。武士被率领或被派遣出征时,应在军役期内免除其守卫勤务。

(30)任何执行吏或管家吏,不得擅取自由人之车与马作为运输之用,但依照该自由人之意志为之者,不在此限。

(31)无论余等或余等之管家吏俱不得强取他人木材,以供建筑城堡或其他私用,但依木材所所有人之意志为之者不在此限。

(32)余等留用重罪既决犯之土地不得超过一年零一日,逾期后即应交还该项土地之原

主。

(33)自此以后,除海岸线以外,其他在泰晤斯河,美得威河及全英格兰各地一切河流上之堰坝与鱼梁概须拆除。

(34)自此以后,不得再行颁布强制转移土地争执案件至国王法庭审讯之敕令,以免自由人丧失其司法权。

(35)全国应有统一之度量衡。酒类、烈性麦酒与谷物之量器,以伦敦夸尔为标准;染色布、土布,锁子甲布之宽度应以织边下之两码为标准;其他衡器亦如量器之规定。

(36)自此以后发给检验状(验尸或验伤)时不得索取或给予任何陋规,请求发给时,亦不得拒绝。

(37)任何人以货币租地法,劳役租地法,或特许享有法保有余等之土地,但同时亦保有其他领主之兵役采地者,余等即不得借口上述诸关系强迫取得其继承人(未成年人)及其所保有他人土地之监护权。除该项货币租地,劳役租地与特许享有租地负有军役义务外,余等皆不得主张其监护权。任何人以献纳刀、剑、弓、箭等而得为余等之小军曹者,余等亦不得对其继承人及其所保有之他人土地主张监护权。

(38)自此以后,凡不能提供忠实可靠之证人与证物时,管家吏不得单凭己意使任何人经受神判法(水火法)。

(39)任何自由人,如未经其同级贵族之依法裁判,或经国法判决,皆不得被逮捕,监禁,没收财产,剥夺法律保护权,流放,或加以任何其他损害。

(40)余等不得向任何人出售,拒绝,或延搁其应享之权利与公正裁判。

(41)除战时与余等敌对之国家之人民外,一切商人,倘能遵照旧时之公正习惯,皆可免除苛捐杂税,安全经由水道与旱道,出入英格兰,或在英格兰全境逗留或耽搁以经营商业。战时,敌国商人在我国者,在余等或余等之大法官获知我国商人在敌国所受之待遇前,应先行扣留,但不得损害彼等之身体与货物。如我国商人之在敌国者安全无恙,敌国商人在我国者亦将安全无恙。

(42)自此以后,任何对余等效忠之人民,除在战时为国家与公共幸福得暂加限制外,皆可由水道或旱道安全出国或入国。但监犯与被褫夺法律保护权之人为例外,关于敌国人民与商人,依前述方法处理。

(43)领有归属土地——诸如自窝林福德,诺定昂,波罗因,兰开斯忒诸勋爵领有者,或其他归属于余等之男爵领地——之附庸亡故时,其继承人不另缴承继税。余等亦不得令其提供较男爵生前更多之役务,一切应依该采地在男爵手中时为标准。

(44)自此以后,不得以普通传票召唤森林区以外之居民赴森林区法庭审讯。但为森林区案件之被告人,或为森林区案件被告之保人者,不在此限。

(45)除熟习本国法律而又志愿遵守者外,余等将不任命任何人为法官,巡察吏,执行吏或管家吏。

(46)一切自英国历朝国王获得特许状创立寺院或握有寺产保管权之男爵(贵族),应悉仍旧例,在该项寺院无人主持时,负保管之责。

(47)凡在余等即位后所划出之森林区,及建为防御工事之河岸,皆应立即撤除。

(48)有关每一州郡之森林,园圃,森林官,园圃守护人,管家吏及其仆役,河岸及其守护人等之一切陋规恶习,应由各该州郡推选武士十二人,于宣誓后立即驰赴各地详加调查,并于调查后四十日内予以全部彻底革除,务使永不再起。调查情形应先奏知余等,若余等不在国内时则先禀知大法官。

(49)凡英国臣民为表示和好和忠忱所交予余等之人质或其他担保品,概须立即退还。

(50)余等应解除热拉尔之戚及下列诸人(名略)及随从彼等来英任执行吏者之职务,并使彼等自此以后,不再在英国担任此项职务。

(51)君臣复归于好后,余等应将携带马匹与武器来英格兰并危害英国之外国士兵,弩手,仆役及佣兵等立即遣送出境。

(52)任何人凡未经其同级贵族之合法裁决而被余等夺去其土地,城堡,自由或合法权利者,余等应立即归还之。倘有关于此项事件之任何争执发生,应依后列负责保障和平之男爵二十五人之意见裁决之。其有在余等之父亨利王或余等之兄理查王时代,未经其同级贵族之合法判决而被夺去之上述各项,现为余等所有,或为他人所有而应由余等负责者,当较照参加十字军者获得展缓债务权利之一般规定办理。但当余等参谒圣地归来后,或因故中止余等之东征时,余等应即公平处理之。惟在余等誓师东征前正在进行诉讼,或由余等之敕令正在审理中者,不在此限。

(53)关于下列事件亦应依照前条规定处理或展缓处理之;

(甲)余等之父亨利王,兄理查王时代所划出之森林,何者应撤除,何者应保留。

(乙)余等在他人采地中之监护权(此项监护权系因某人曾自余等领受军役采地,因而使余等享有者)。

(丙)余等在他人采地中所建立之寺院(该采地之领主声称有管辖权者)。

当余等参谒圣地归来后,或因故中止余等之东征时,余等应立即对上述诸项予以公正处理。

(54)凡妇女指控之杀人案件,如死者并非其夫,即不得逮捕或监禁任何人。

(55)凡余等所科之一切不正当与不合法之罚金与处罚,须一概免除或纠正之,或依照后列保障和平之男爵二十五人之意见,或大多数男爵连同前述之坎特伯里大主教斯提芬,及其所愿与共同商讨此事件者之意见处理之。遇大教主不能出席时,事件应照常进行。但如上述二十五男爵中有一人或数人与同一事件有关(“大宪章重订译本”作“为同一事件之原告”),则应于处理此一事件时回避,而代之以其余男爵中所遴选之人。

(56)如余等曾在英格兰或威尔斯,未依其同级贵族之合法裁判,而夺去任何威尔斯贵族之土地,自由或其他物品,应立即归还之。遇有关于此类事件之争执发生时,应交由“边区”贵族处理,凡属英格兰人之产业,按照英格兰法律办理,威尔斯人产业,按照威尔斯法律办理,边区产业则依边区法律办理。威尔斯人对余等及余等之人民应同样行之。

(57)至关于威尔斯人在余等之父亨利,或余等之兄理查时代未经其同级贵族之合法判

决而被夺去之物,现在余等手中,或虽不在余等手中而应由余等负责者,余等将按照参加十字军者可展缓债务之一般规定处理。但当余等参谒圣地归来后,或因故中止余等之东征时,余等应即予以公平处理。惟在余等誓师东征前正在进行诉讼,或由余等之敕令正在审理中者,不在此限。

(58)余等应立即归还刘埃霖之子及威尔斯人一切人质以及作为和平担保之一切信物与

契据。

(59)关于苏格兰王亚历山大,余等将归还其姊妹,质物,自由与合法权利,一如余等对英格兰诸男爵之所为,但属于其父威廉王敕令中所载,而为余等所保有者,不在此限。此一切当依照在英国宫廷中之苏格兰贵族之意见处理。

(60)余等在上述敕令中所公布之一切习惯与自由,就属于余等之范围而言,应为全国臣民,无论僧俗,一律遵守,就属于诸男爵(一切贵族)之范围而言,应为彼等之附庸共同遵守。

(61)余等之所以作前述诸让步,在欲归荣于上帝,致国家于富强,但尤在泯除余等与诸男爵间之意见,使彼等永享太平之福,因此,余等愿再以下列保证赐予之。

诸男爵得任意从国中推选男爵二十五人,此二十五人应尽力遵守,维护,同时亦使其余人等共同遵守余等所颁赐彼等,并以本宪章所赐予之和平与特权。其方法如下:如余等或余等之法官,管家吏或任何其他臣仆,在任何方面干犯任何人之权利,或破坏任何和平条款而为上述二十五男爵中之四人发觉时,此四人可即至余等之前——如余等不在国内时,则至余等之三官前,——指出余等之错误,要求余等立即设法改正。自错误指出之四十日内,如余等,或余等不在国内时,余等之法官不顾改正此项错误,则该四人应将此事取决于其余男爵,而此二十三男爵即可联合全国人民,共同使用其权力,以一切方法向余等施以抑制与压力,诸如夺取余等之城堡、土地与财产等等,务使此项错误终能依照彼等之意见改正而后已。但对余等及余等二王后与子女之人身不得加以侵犯。错误一经改正,彼等即应与余等复为君臣如初。国内任何人如欲按上述方法实行,应宣誓服从前述男爵二十五人之命令,并尽其全力与彼等共同向余等施以压力。余等兹特公开允许任何人皆可作上述宣誓,并允许永不阻止任何人宣誓。国内所有人民,纵其依自己之意志,不愿对该二十五男爵宣誓以共同向余等施用压力者,余等亦应以命令令之宣誓。如上述二十五男爵中有任何人死亡,离国或因故不能执行上述职务时,其余男爵应依己意自其他男爵中推选另外之人代之,其宣誓方法与上述诸人同。此外,上述二十五男爵于受托执行任务时,倘在出席讨论中关于某些事件发生争端,或有某些男爵被召请后,不愿或不能出席时,则出席男爵过半数之决定,或宣布之方案,应被视为合法且具有约束力,一如二十五人全体出席所议决者同。上述二十五男爵应宣誓对前列各项竭诚遵守,并尽力使其余人遵守之,而余等亦不得由自己或通过他人自任何人取得任何物品致使上列诸权利与自由废止或削减。如有此项取得之物,应视同无效与非法,余等自己不得加以利用,亦不得通过别人加以利用。

(62)自斗争开始以来,余等之僧俗臣民与余等之间所发生之一切敌意,愤怒与仇恨,余等已予宽恕并赦宥之,此外,自本朝第十六年复活节起,至和平重建之日止,一切僧俗人民所犯之一切罪过,余等亦已加以宽恕并赦宥之。关于上述各项让步与诺言,余等兹任命坎特伯里大主教斯提芬勋爵,杜伯林大主教亨利勋爵及前述诸主教与班达尔夫君共同草拟敕令以昭信守。

(63)余等即以此敕令欣然而坚决昭告全国:英国教会应享自由,英国臣民及其子孙后代,将如前述,自余等及余等之后嗣在任何事件与任何时期中,永远适当而和平,自由而安静,充分而全然享受上述各项自由,权剂与让与,余等与诺男爵惧已宣誓,将以忠信与善意遵守上述各条款。上列诸人及其他多人当可为证。


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英文版:

The Magna Carta

JOHN, by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of Anjou, to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, foresters, sheriffs, stewards, servants, and to all his officials and loyal subjects, Greeting.

KNOW THAT BEFORE GOD, for the health of our soul and those of our ancestors and heirs, to the honour of God, the exaltation of the holy Church, and the better ordering of our kingdom, at the advice of our reverend fathers Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Henry archbishop of Dublin, William bishop of London, Peter bishop of Winchester, Jocelin bishop of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh bishop of Lincoln, Walter Bishop of Worcester, William bishop of Coventry, Benedict bishop of Rochester, Master Pandulf subdeacon and member of the papal household, Brother Aymeric master of the knighthood of the Temple in England, William Marshal earl of Pembroke, William earl of Salisbury, William earl of Warren, William earl of Arundel, Alan de Galloway constable of Scotland, Warin Fitz Gerald, Peter Fitz Herbert, Hubert de Burgh seneschal of Poitou, Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip Daubeny, Robert de Roppeley, John Marshal, John Fitz Hugh, and other loyal subjects:

(1) FIRST, THAT WE HAVE GRANTED TO GOD, and by this present charter have confirmed for us and our heirs in perpetuity, that the English Church shall be free, and shall have its rights undiminished, and its liberties unimpaired. That we wish this so to be observed, appears from the fact that of our own free will, before the outbreak of the present dispute between us and our barons, we granted and confirmed by charter the freedom of the Church's elections - a right reckoned to be of the greatest necessity and importance to it - and caused this to be confirmed by Pope Innocent III. This freedom we shall observe ourselves, and desire to be observed in good faith by our heirs in perpetuity.

TO ALL FREE MEN OF OUR KINGDOM we have also granted, for us and our heirs for ever, all the liberties written out below, to have and to keep for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs:

(2) If any earl, baron, or other person that holds lands directly of the Crown, for military service, shall die, and at his death his heir shall be of full age and owe a `relief', the heir shall have his inheritance on payment of the ancient scale of `relief'. That is to say, the heir or heirs of an earl shall pay ?00 for the entire earl's barony, the heir or heirs of a knight l00s. at most for the entire knight's `fee', and any man that owes less shall pay less, in accordance with the ancient usage of `fees'

(3) But if the heir of such a person is under age and a ward, when he comes of age he shall have his inheritance without `relief' or fine.

(4) The guardian of the land of an heir who is under age shall take from it only reasonable revenues, customary dues, and feudal services. He shall do this without destruction or damage to men or property. If we have given the guardianship of the land to a sheriff, or to any person answerable to us for the revenues, and he commits destruction or damage, we will exact compensation from him, and the land shall be entrusted to two worthy and prudent men of the same `fee', who shall be answerable to us for the revenues, or to the person to whom we have assigned them. If we have given or sold to anyone the guardianship of such land, and he causes destruction or damage, he shall lose the guardianship of it, and it shall be handed over to two worthy and prudent men of the same `fee', who shall be similarly answerable to us.

(5) For so long as a guardian has guardianship of such land, he shall maintain the houses, parks, fish preserves, ponds, mills, and everything else pertaining to it, from the revenues of the land itself. When the heir comes of age, he shall restore the whole land to him, stocked with plough teams and such implements of husbandry as the season demands and the revenues from the land can reasonably bear.

(6) Heirs may be given in marriage, but not to someone of lower social standing. Before a marriage takes place, it shall be' made known to the heir's next-of-kin.

(7) At her husband's death, a widow may have her marriage portion and inheritance at once and without trouble. She shall pay nothing for her dower, marriage portion, or any inheritance that she and her husband held jointly on the day of his death. She may remain in her husband's house for forty days after his death, and within this period her dower shall be assigned to her.

(8) No widow shall be compelled to marry, so long as she wishes to remain without a husband. But she must give security that she will not marry without royal consent, if she holds her lands of the Crown, or without the consent of whatever other lord she may hold them of.

(9) Neither we nor our officials will seize any land or rent in payment of a debt, so long as the debtor has movable goods sufficient to discharge the debt. A debtor's sureties shall not be distrained upon so long as the debtor himself can discharge his debt. If, for lack of means, the debtor is unable to discharge his debt, his sureties shall be answerable for it. If they so desire, they may have the debtor's lands and rents until they have received satisfaction for the debt that they paid for him, unless the debtor can show that he has settled his obligations to them.

(10) If anyone who has borrowed a sum of money from Jews dies before the debt has been repaid, his heir shall pay no interest on the debt for so long as he remains under age, irrespective of whom he holds his lands. If such a debt falls into the hands of the Crown, it will take nothing except the principal sum specified in the bond.

(11) If a man dies owing money to Jews, his wife may have her dower and pay nothing towards the debt from it. If he leaves children that are under age, their needs may also be provided for on a scale appropriate to the size of his holding of lands. The debt is to be paid out of the residue, reserving the service due to his feudal lords. Debts owed to persons other than Jews are to be dealt with similarly.

(12) No `scutage' or `aid' may be levied in our kingdom without its general consent, unless it is for the ransom of our person, to make our eldest son a knight, and (once) to marry our eldest daughter. For these purposes ouly a reasonable `aid' may be levied. `Aids' from the city of London are to be treated similarly.

(13) The city of London shall enjoy all its ancient liberties and free customs, both by land and by water. We also will and grant that all other cities, boroughs, towns, and ports shall enjoy all their liberties and free customs.

(14) To obtain the general consent of the realm for the assessment of an `aid' - except in the three cases specified above - or a `scutage', we will cause the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and greater barons to be summoned individually by letter. To those who hold lands directly of us we will cause a general summons to be issued, through the sheriffs and other officials, to come together on a fixed day (of which at least forty days notice shall be given) and at a fixed place. In all letters of summons, the cause of the summons will be stated. When a summons has been issued, the business appointed for the day shall go forward in accordance with the resolution of those present, even if not all those who were summoned have appeared.

(15) In future we will allow no one to levy an `aid' from his free men, except to ransom his person, to make his eldest son a knight, and (once) to marry his eldest daughter. For these purposes only a reasonable `aid' may be levied.

(16) No man shall be forced to perform more service for a knight's `fee', or other free holding of land, than is due from it.

(17) Ordinary lawsuits shall not follow the royal court around, but shall be held in a fixed place.

(18) Inquests of novel disseisin, mort d'ancestor, and darrein presentment shall be taken only in their proper county court. We ourselves, or in our absence abroad our chief justice, will send two justices to each county four times a year, and these justices, with four knights of the county elected by the county itself, shall hold the assizes in the county court, on the day and in the place where the court meets.

(19) If any assizes cannot be taken on the day of the county court, as many knights and freeholders shall afterwards remain behind, of those who have attended the court, as will suffice for the administration of justice, having regard to the volume of business to be done.

(20) For a trivial offence, a free man shall be fined only in proportion to the degree of his offence, and for a serious offence correspondingly, but not so heavily as to deprive him of his livelihood. In the same way, a merchant shall be spared his merchandise, and a husbandman the implements of his husbandry, if they fall upon the mercy of a royal court. None of these fines shall be imposed except by the assessment on oath of reputable men of the neighbourhood.

(21) Earls and barons shall be fined only by their equals, and in proportion to the gravity of their offence.

(22) A fine imposed upon the lay property of a clerk in holy orders shall be assessed upon the same principles, without reference to the value of his ecclesiastical benefice.

(23) No town or person shall be forced to build bridges over rivers except those with an ancient obligation to do so.

(24) No sheriff, constable, coroners, or other royal officials are to hold lawsuits that should be held by the royal justices.

(25) Every county, hundred, wapentake, and tithing shall remain at its ancient rent, without increase, except the royal demesne manors.

(26) If at the death of a man who holds a lay `fee' of the Crown, a sheriff or royal official produces royal letters patent of summons for a debt due to the Crown, it shall be lawful for them to seize and list movable goods found in the lay `fee' of the dead man to the value of the debt, as assessed by worthy men. Nothing shall be removed until the whole debt is paid, when the residue shall be given over to the executors to carry out the dead man s will. If no debt is due to the Crown, all the movable goods shall be regarded as the property of the dead man, except the reasonable shares of his wife and children.

(27) If a free man dies intestate, his movable goods are to be distributed by his next-of-kin and friends, under the supervision of the Church. The rights of his debtors are to be preserved.

(28) No constable or other royal official shall take corn or other movable goods from any man without immediate payment, unless the seller voluntarily offers postponement of this.

(29) No constable may compel a knight to pay money for castle-guard if the knight is willing to undertake the guard in person, or with reasonable excuse to supply some other fit man to do it. A knight taken or sent on military service shall be excused from castle-guard for the period of this servlce.

(30) No sheriff, royal official, or other person shall take horses or carts for transport from any free man, without his consent.

(31) Neither we nor any royal official will take wood for our castle, or for any other purpose, without the consent of the owner.

(32) We will not keep the lands of people convicted of felony in our hand for longer than a year and a day, after which they shall be returned to the lords of the `fees' concerned.

(33) All fish-weirs shall be removed from the Thames, the Medway, and throughout the whole of England, except on the sea coast.

(34) The writ called precipe shall not in future be issued to anyone in respect of any holding of land, if a free man could thereby be deprived of the right of trial in his own lord's court.

(35) There shall be standard measures of wine, ale, and corn (the London quarter), throughout the kingdom. There shall also be a standard width of dyed cloth, russett, and haberject, namely two ells within the selvedges. Weights are to be standardised similarly.

(36) In future nothing shall be paid or accepted for the issue of a writ of inquisition of life or limbs. It shall be given gratis, and not refused.

(37) If a man holds land of the Crown by `fee-farm', `socage', or `burgage', and also holds land of someone else for knight's service, we will not have guardianship of his heir, nor of the land that belongs to the other person's `fee', by virtue of the `fee-farm', `socage', or `burgage', unless the `fee-farm' owes knight's service. We will not have the guardianship of a man's heir, or of land that he holds of someone else, by reason of any small property that he may hold of the Crown for a service of knives, arrows, or the like.

(38) In future no official shall place a man on trial upon his own unsupported statement, without producing credible witnesses to the truth of it.

(39) No free man shall be seized or imprisoned, or stripped of his rights or possessions, or outlawed or exiled, or deprived of his standing in any other way, nor will we proceed with force against him, or send others to do so, except by the lawful judgement of his equals or by the law of the land.

(40) To no one will we sell, to no one deny or delay right or justice.

(41) All merchants may enter or leave England unharmed and without fear, and may stay or travel within it, by land or water, for purposes of trade, free from all illegal exactions, in accordance with ancient and lawful customs. This, however, does not apply in time of war to merchants from a country that is at war with us. Any such merchants found in our country at the outbreak of war shall be detained without injury to their persons or property, until we or our chief justice have discovered how our own merchants are being treated in the country at war with us. If our own merchants are safe they shall be safe too.

(42) In future it shall be lawful for any man to leave and return to our kingdom unharmed and without fear, by land or water, preserving his allegiance to us, except in time of war, for some short period, for the common benefit of the realm. People that have been imprisoned or outlawed in accordance with the law of the land, people from a country that is at war with us, and merchants - who shall be dealt with as stated above - are excepted from this provision.

(43) If a man holds lands of any `escheat' such as the `honour' of Wallingford, Nottingham, Boulogne, Lancaster, or of other `escheats' in our hand that are baronies, at his death his heir shall give us only the `relief' and service that he would have made to the baron, had the barony been in the baron's hand. We will hold the `escheat' in the same manner as the baron held it.

(44) People who live outside the forest need not in future appear before the royal justices of the forest in answer to general summonses, unless they are actually involved in proceedings or are sureties for someone who has been seized for a forest offence.

(45) We will appoint as justices, constables, sheriffs, or other officials, only men that know the law of the realm and are minded to keep it well.

(46) All barons who have founded abbeys, and have charters of English kings or ancient tenure as evidence of this, may have guardianship of them when there is no abbot, as is their due.

(47) All forests that have been created in our reign shall at once be disafforested. River-banks that have been enclosed in our reign shall be treated similarly.

(48) All evil customs relating to forests and warrens, foresters, warreners, sheriffs and their servants, or river-banks and their wardens, are at once to be investigated in every county by twelve sworn knights of the county, and within forty days of their enquiry the evil customs are to be abolished completely and irrevocably. But we, or our chief justice if we are not in England, are first to be informed.

(49) We will at once return all hostages and charters delivered up to us by Englishmen as security for peace or for loyal service.

(50) We will remove completely from their offices the kinsmen of Gerard de Ath閑, and in future they shall hold no offices in England. The people in question are Engelard de Cigogn?, Peter, Guy, and Andrew de Chanceaux, Guy de Cigogn? Geoffrey de Martigny and his brothers, Philip Marc and his brothers, with Geoffrey his nephew, and all their followers.

(51) As soon as peace is restored, we will remove from the kingdom all the foreign knights, bowmen, their attendants, and the mercenaries that have come to it, to its harm, with horses and arms.

(52) To any man whom we have deprived or dispossessed of lands, castles, liberties, or rights, without the lawful judgement of his equals, we will at once restore these. In cases of dispute the matter shall be resolved by the judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace (?61). In cases, however, where a man was deprived or dispossessed of something without the lawful judgement of his equals by our father King Henry or our brother King Richard, and it remains in our hands or is held by others under our warranty, we shall have respite for the period commonly allowed to Crusaders, unless a lawsuit had been begun, or an enquiry had been made at our order, before we took the Cross as a Crusader. On our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once render justice in full.

(53) We shall have similar respite in rendering justice in connexion with forests that are to be disafforested, or to remain forests, when these were first a-orested by our father Henry or our brother Richard; with the guardianship of lands in another person's `fee', when we have hitherto had this by virtue of a `fee' held of us for knight's service by a third party; and with abbeys founded in another person's `fee', in which the lord of the `fee' claims to own a right. On our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once do full justice to complaints about these matters.

(54) No one shall be arrested or imprisoned on the appeal of a woman for the death of any person except her husband.

(55) All fines that have been given to us unjustiy and against the law of the land, and all fines that we have exacted unjustly, shall be entirely remitted or the matter decided by a majority judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace (?61) together with Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, if he can be present, and such others as he wishes to bring with him. If the archbishop cannot be present, proceedings shall continue without him, provided that if any of the twenty-five barons has been involved in a similar suit himself, his judgement shall be set aside, and someone else chosen and sworn in his place, as a substitute for the single occasion, by the rest of the twenty-five.

(56) If we have deprived or dispossessed any Welshmen of lands, liberties, or anything else in England or in Wales, without the lawful judgement of their equals, these are at once to be returned to them. A dispute on this point shall be determined in the Marches by the judgement of equals. English law shall apply to holdings of land in England, Welsh law to those in Wales, and the law of the Marches to those in the Marches. The Welsh shall treat us and ours in the same way.

(57) In cases where a Welshman was deprived or dispossessed of anything, without the lawful judgement of his equals, by our father King Henry or our brother King Richard, and it remains in our hands or is held by others under our warranty, we shall have respite for the period commonly allowed to Crusaders, unless a lawsuit had been begun, or an enquiry had been made at our order, before we took the Cross as a Crusader. But on our return from the Crusade, or if we abandon it, we will at once do full justice according to the laws of Wales and the said regions.

(58) We will at once return the son of Llywelyn, all Welsh hostages, and the charters delivered to us as security for the peace.

(59) With regard to the return of the sisters and hostages of Alexander, king of Scotland, his liberties and his rights, we will treat him in the same way as our other barons of England, unless it appears from the charters that we hold from his father William, formerly king of Scotland, that he should be treated otherwise. This matter shall be resolved by the judgement of his equals in our court.

(60) All these customs and liberties that we have granted shall be observed in our kingdom in so far as concerns our own relations with our subjects. Let all men of our kingdom, whether clergy or laymen, observe them similarly in their relations with their own men.

(61) SINCE WE HAVE GRANTED ALL THESE THINGS for God, for the better ordering of our kingdom, and to allay the discord that has arisen between us and our barons, and since we desire that they shall be enjoyed in their entirety, with lasting strength, for ever, we give and grant to the barons the following security:


The barons shall elect twenty-five of their number to keep, and cause to be observed with all their might, the peace and liberties granted and confirmed to them by this charter.

If we, our chief justice, our officials, or any of our servants offend in any respect against any man, or transgress any of the articles of the peace or of this security, and the offence is made known to four of the said twenty-five barons, they shall come to us - or in our absence from the kingdom to the chief justice - to declare it and claim immediate redress. If we, or in our absence abroad the chiefjustice, make no redress within forty days, reckoning from the day on which the offence was declared to us or to him, the four barons shall refer the matter to the rest of the twenty-five barons, who may distrain upon and assail us in every way possible, with the support of the whole community of the land, by seizing our castles, lands, possessions, or anything else saving only our own person and those of the queen and our children, until they have secured such redress as they have determined upon. Having secured the redress, they may then resume their normal obedience to us.

Any man who so desires may take an oath to obey the commands of the twenty-five barons for the achievement of these ends, and to join with them in assailing us to the utmost of his power. We give public and free permission to take this oath to any man who so desires, and at no time will we prohibit any man from taking it. Indeed, we will compel any of our subjects who are unwilling to take it to swear it at our command.

If-one of the twenty-five barons dies or leaves the country, or is prevented in any other way from discharging his duties, the rest of them shall choose another baron in his place, at their discretion, who shall be duly sworn in as they were.

In the event of disagreement among the twenty-five barons on any matter referred to them for decision, the verdict of the majority present shall have the same validity as a unanimous verdict of the whole twenty-five, whether these were all present or some of those summoned were unwilling or unable to appear.

The twenty-five barons shall swear to obey all the above articles faithfully, and shall cause them to be obeyed by others to the best of their power.

We will not seek to procure from anyone, either by our own efforts or those of a third party, anything by which any part of these concessions or liberties might be revoked or diminished. Should such a thing be procured, it shall be null and void and we will at no time make use of it, either ourselves or through a third party.

(62) We have remitted and pardoned fully to all men any ill-will, hurt, or grudges that have arisen between us and our subjects, whether clergy or laymen, since the beginning of the dispute. We have in addition remitted fully, and for our own part have also pardoned, to all clergy and laymen any offences committed as a result of the said dispute between Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign (i.e. 1215) and the restoration of peace.
In addition we have caused letters patent to be made for the barons, bearing witness to this security and to the concessions set out above, over the seals of Stephen archbishop of Canterbury, Henry archbishop of Dublin, the other bishops named above, and Master Pandulf.

(63) IT IS ACCORDINGLY OUR WISH AND COMMAND that the English Church shall be free, and that men in our kingdom shall have and keep all these liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably in their fulness and entirety for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all things and all places for ever.

Both we and the barons have sworn that all this shall be observed in good faith and without deceit. Witness the abovementioned people and many others.

Given by our hand in the meadow that is called Runnymede, between Windsor and Staines, on the fifteenth day of June in the seventeenth year of our reign (i.e. 1215: the new regnal year began on 28 May).







我路过山的时候山不说话 
我路过海的时候海不说话   
我乘着的毛驴一步一步滴滴答答  
我带着的倚天喑哑  
人们说我爱着杨过大侠  
找不到所以在峨嵋安家  
其实我只是爱山中的烟雾  
象十六岁那年绽放的烟花

※来源: 【 推理之门 Tuili.Com 】.

 东乡东乡好爱好爱张靓颖喔打开东乡的博客
3 楼: Re:历史文献,放这里一份:1225... 05年03月23日15点45分


呵呵~~~~~
著名的六十三条!!!!






泰戈尔对东乡说:世上最遥远的距离,不是生和死,而是我站在你的面前,而你不知道我爱你.
东乡坚定的回答他:是的,东乡最爱张靓颖!
  


※来源: 【 推理之门 Tuili.Com 】.

 375014083……
4 楼: Re:Re:历史文献,放这里一份:1... 05年03月23日18点00分


1225年《大宪章》---英国宪法的来源

  全世界第一个成文宪法出自美国,然而其法治精神却来自英国母体。要知道宪政是怎样诞生并发展的,英国是一面历史镜子。在大学,那些号称学过法律基础知识的学生,受那种公式化教科书的影响,十个有九个认为宪政起源于“资产阶级革命”,而对革命前的法制茫然不知,甚至连“大宪章”都不知为何物。这也难怪,因为毛泽东曾经说过:“世界上历来的宪政,不论是英国、法国、美国,或者是苏联,都是在革命成功有了民主事实之后,颁布一个根本大法,去承认它,这就是宪法。”“像现在的英、法、美等国,所谓宪政,所谓民主政治,实际上都是吃人政治。”(《毛选》合订本p693,694)“讲到宪法,资产阶级是先行的。英国也好,法国也好,美国也好,资产阶级都有过革命时期,宪法就是他们在那个时期开始的。”(《毛选》第5卷p127)当年有关宪法的任何论述,丝毫都不能越过毛老人家划定的雷池半步。尽管毛老人家已经去世多时,但是国内关于宪法性质、起源的论述,依然大都带有历史的惯性(这也正是当局坚持毛泽东思想为指导的一个旁证)。因而关于宪法的一般知识,除了有个别精明的吃法律饭的朋友或者有志于探究法治根底的朋友比较清楚外,相当多的人还是一笔糊涂账。显然,进行宪法起源常识的说明,还是十分必要的。

  要追溯英国法治的源头,得从盎格鲁-撒克逊的习惯法谈起。然而这似乎太遥远了-现在的各路朋友,往往是吃快餐的主儿,没有那份耐心去在故纸堆里寻找历史的智慧。我们只能简要说明,在五到八世纪的盎格鲁-撒克逊时代(七国时代),英国已经形成了一种习惯法基础上的规范,即法律禁止和惩罚一切危害国王统治的行为,但国王同时要承担遵守法律和公正裁判的义务。也就是说,王权在法律之下。这种规范当然有其社会根基,不学法律的人可以绕过它,但以法律为业者最好能够有所了解。

  9世纪西塞克斯王爱格伯特统一了七国,历史上第一次出现了英格兰这一名称。这时的英格兰,政治上有耆老会议,即全国最有势力的贵族会议,国王的一切重大政务,都要经过耆老会议的批准,由此而形成了英国贵族制约国王的传统。1066年的诺曼征服,在英国建立了诺曼王朝(征服者威廉一世建立,1066-1154),随着征服分封了众多的附庸,并由国王的直接附庸组成大议会(也被称为大会议),负责决定重大事务,提出法令建议,确定赋税征收。大议会每年召开三次,因过于庞大,开会有困难,于是又有一个较小的库里亚(御前会议),由宫廷大臣参加,也邀请贵族、骑士参加。库里亚具有财政机关和最高法院职能。同时,诺曼王朝开始在英国推行诺曼法。诺曼法和盎格鲁-撒克逊法的融合,构成了普通法的源头。而诺曼法是一种典型的封建法。这里所说的封建,是领主制封建,绝非通常意义上“封建社会”、“封建主义”的那种封建。作为封建法,诺曼法本质上是一种契约法。它不是建立在国王的单方支配和臣民的单方服从基础上,而是建立在领主和附庸(受封者)之间相对对等的权力义务关系上。不管领主和附庸那一方,只要是单方拒绝自己的义务,或者是寻求契约以外的权利,权益受害的一方都可以投诉于法庭获得救济。如果法律解决不了,则受害者(不管是领主还是附庸)有权解除封建契约,封主可收回领地,附庸可放弃效忠义务。显然,独立的司法,在这里已经有了苗头。到安茹王朝(来自法国的anjou家族,在英国建立了plantagenet王朝,即金雀花王朝,1154-1399),在领主法庭以外形成了王室法庭,以三大中央固定法庭(普通诉讼法庭、王座法庭、财政法庭)和定期巡回全国的巡回法庭为标志,有了相对独立于王权的司法机构,形成了令状制度和陪审制度,英国法体系出现了。

  这一时期,随着王权的强大,王权和法律的关系就成了英国人注目的重大问题。1199年登基的约翰王,仗着手中的权力,践踏封建契约,横征暴敛,残害民众,破坏了以往的封建传统,导致了国内封建领主的普遍不满。在坎特伯利大主教的支持下,封建领主领导了反约翰王的起义。值得庆幸的是,约翰王因为刚刚在对法作战中失利,没有力量同国内的封建领主抗衡,据说,当时只有七个骑士站在他这一边。而起义的贵族,也没有“彼可取而代之”的雄心壮志,因此,这场起义在很大程度上只是一种示威性质,没有把英国引到一治一乱的历史循环中(尽管英国也有不断的骚乱和反抗,不断的甚至是残酷的对内或对外战争,但却没有同中国历史类似的那种“周期率”,这是很值得研究的一个课题),而是以契约的方式达成了封建贵族和国王的“和解”,并由此而产生了等级代表机构国会,奠定了宪政的先声。这个契约,就是有名的“大宪章”。对于后世的宪政来说,大宪章永远是一个里程碑。

  大宪章共65条,其内容分三部分:第一部分为国王与领主关系规定;第二部分为国王施政方针与程序规定;第三部分为国王与领主争端处理规定。按照大宪章的规定,国王要保障贵族和骑士的封建继承权,不得违例向封建主征收高额捐税,不得任意逮捕、监禁、放逐自由人或没收他们的财产,承认伦敦等城市的自治权。为了保证宪章不落空,由25名男爵组成一个委员会,对国王进行监督,如果宪章遭到破坏,封建领主有权以军事手段强迫国王履约。英国以后的宪政,追根溯源即来自大宪章,其基本精神即王权有限和个人自由。有的学者如斯托布斯(bishop william stubbs,19世纪英国政治学家)就认为,整个英国宪政史,实际上是大宪章的注释史。

  “大宪章”有多种名称:magna carta;magna charter;greated charter.之所以会有这么多的名称,是因为大宪章在英国史上曾经多次颁布。1215年6月15日,约翰王颁布大宪章,是在封建领主的强迫下进行的,其内心的不情愿是可想而知的。果然,约翰王出尔反尔,1216年,就起兵向封建领主宣战,领主们也不示弱,他们干脆请法王腓力二世之子路易为英王。路易自己的大概没有当英国国王的命运,刚刚到了英国,约翰王就死了。英国的贵族没有了对手,路易也就没有了当英王的必要。于是,封建诸侯们转眼就拥立约翰9岁的儿子亨利三世,摄政为了取得诸侯的支持,修改大宪章并重新颁布,更使诸侯们铁了心把自己请来的路易赶回了法国老家。由于有这么一段波折,为了使诸侯领主放心,1217年又一次颁布“大宪章”。1227年,亨利三世亲政,尽管他对这么一个处处限制王权的大宪章感到十分不舒服,但为了保证自己的王位,不得已而再次颁布大宪章,以表明自己对封建诸侯的态度。

  大约在1240年,英国的大会议改称国会(巴力门,parliament)。1254年,第一次从各郡召集骑士代表参加议会。1257年,因为亨利三世流露出不受大宪章制约的倾向,重用法籍宠臣,再加上过度征敛(要求封建领主缴纳收入的三分之一为战争费用),引起了诸侯的反抗,到1258年6月,英国议会通过了牛津条例,并强迫亨利三世接受。这个条例成立了一个24人组成的委员会控制大政,另设一个15人会议作为国王的顾问。这个15人委员会每年要集会三次,并负责向全国男爵的代表作出详细报告。因此,这届议会由于其对国王的不妥协态度赢得了“疯狂议会”的外号。很快,下级骑士、伦敦和牛津的市民,因不满于贵族诸侯把持政务,又站在国王亨利一边排斥诸侯,形成了国王、诸侯、市民的三角制衡。1261年,亨利又改组了15人会议,把15人会议变成自己的亲信。到1263年,这种拥护国王和反抗国王的斗争引起了内战。很有意思的是,即使到了兵戎相见的关头,英国人也没有放弃谈判和妥协。他们在内战中,请出了法王路易九世作仲裁。然而,法王仲裁的结果诸侯和市民都不接受。于是继续开战,国王亨利和他的儿子爱德华都当了俘虏。亨利被迫签订了琉伊斯协定,即恢复1258年牛津条例的各项规定。到1265年,除了每郡有两名骑士代表参加议会外,每个自治城市也有两名市民代表参加议会。这是市民进入议会的开端。人们一般把1265年议会看作英国下院之起点。

  内战平息后,爱德华一世当上国王(1272-1307),他明白,政治就是各种力量的妥协和折衷,前面的教训告诉他,稳定的统治,有赖于国王、诸侯、骑士、市民的政治结盟。1295年,爱德华一世为征集军费召开了议会,由于包括了教会贵族、世俗贵族、骑士代表、市民代表,教会贵族和世俗贵族由国王邀请,而骑士代表和市民代表则由地方会议选举。由此,国会的构成和选举方式又形成了一个惯例,以后的国会都以这届国会为榜样,因而使其得到了“模范国会”的称号。值得注意的是模范国会的召集书中,有了“让一切有关公众之事,获得公众许可”之语。

  此后的历届议会,尽管也有种种恶行(例如通过对异教徒处以焚刑的法令等),但是,在警惕国王权力坐大、牢牢抓住“钱包的权力”等方面,则堪足称道。这些,都同大宪章有密切联系。1297年,英国的封建诸侯在坎特伯里大主教领导下,迫使国王爱德华一世签署“重行保障特权令”,明确规定未经议会同意,不得征收任何捐税。1307年爱德华二世即位后,宠信法人庇尔。加未斯吞,引起了封建诸侯的反对。1310年,议会则迫使爱德华二世成立了一个改革委员会,其中有大封建主21人。1311年,二十一人委员会拟定的改革方案经议会通过,规定国王在任命大臣、对外宣战和媾和时,必须经过诸侯贵族的同意。甚至规定没有经过议会同意,国王不得擅自离开国土。在议会的压力下,加未斯吞被放逐。尽管他第二年又返回了英国,但国王的人事权毕竟受到了一些限制。1312年,贵族诸侯逮捕加未斯吞并将其处死,国王只好宣布诸侯无罪。从1325年起,英国议会中骑士和市民的势力开始不断增加。1327年,在威斯敏斯特(又称西敏寺,westminster)召开的议会强迫爱德华二世逊位,开了议会废黜国王的先例。即使在百年战争的情况下,1340年议会又规定,凡国王征收封建税以外的任何捐税,或更改税率,均需得到议会的同意。1344年,议会又规定,凡是议会为英王通过的款项,必须按照指定用途使用。1349年,议会中骑士与市民代表合并开会,一般认为从此正式有了上院和下院的区分。1377年,英国议会开始采用“发言人”制度。1388年议会逮捕审讯并处死了国王理查二世的五个宠臣,并因此而得到了“无情议会”的称号。

  议会和国王,都必须遵守大宪章。从大宪章颁布至亨利五世时(1413~1422),前后由国王重新确认大宪章达44次,可见其重要性。正是这种渐进的、不断的调整,使得大宪章越来越完善,成为以后英国宪法的躯干和精神。

  值得注意的是,英国固然是欧洲宪政的先驱,其他欧洲国家也有类似的制度建设。例如,13世纪起,法国也有了变化,国王有事,即召集僧侣、贵族和市民代表参加的会议协商,到14世纪初,形成了全国性的三级会议定制(以1302年腓力四世为对抗教皇而召开的三级会议为第一次有明确记载的全国三级会议)。1355年,法国三级会议借百年战争之机,迫使国王接受了不经议会同意不得征收新税的原则,并确定由议会监督国王的收支。1357年,三级会议组建了一个委员会,开始监督国库收支。1282年起,丹麦国王埃利克也被迫颁布大宪章,承认封建贵族的若干特权。1359年,瑞典第一次召开了包括市民代表的议会。

  被欧洲各国所共同认可的大宪章原则和议会制度的出现,成为后来英国光荣革命、法国大革命合法性的渊源。因此,以前那种“资产阶级革命后诞生了宪法”的说法,恰好是本末倒置。宪政的实现,是一个漫长的历程,革命,不管是克伦威尔的革命、罗伯斯庇尔的革命,还是拿破仑的革命,只是宪政火种在存续过程中的一次次火光迸裂。

  让我们还是回到英国。英国的宪政文本中,有一个十分重要的《权利请愿书》(petition of right)。中世纪形成的议会传统,英国国会只有提出建议的权利,法律只有国王才能颁布。因此,“权利请愿书”尽管是法律,但还是只能以“请愿书”的形式出现。不过,它得到了国王查理一世的同意。这份重要文献是英国国会1628年提出的,其内容有四:一是未经国会同意国王不得征税,二是非依法不得拘捕人民,三是军队不得驻扎民房,四是和平时期不得行使戒严法。由此,大宪章的精神得到了重申、明确和扩展。正是查理一世对大宪章的践踏和对权利请愿书的漠视违背,才引发了英国革命。

  革命后,查理一世被送上了断头台。国会也通过了建立共和国的决议,然而,迎来的是克伦威尔独裁。于是,斯图亚特王朝复辟。具体的革命过程在所有历史书中都有介绍,这里不再废话。需要说明的是,经过漫长的演变,英国国会的地位已经不可逆转。在1689年的光荣革命中,国会废除了不听话的詹姆士二世,迎来了詹姆士二世的女婿、荷兰执政、奥伦治亲王威廉三世。威廉自然要召集国会,而国会在尊奉威廉为王的同时发布了权利宣言(declaration of rights),并在这一宣言的基础上制定了《权利法案》(the bill of rights)。其内容有三大方面:一是列举革命前王室的十二大过失(违法乱纪、破坏典制、僭用王权、剥削民众等等);二是列举了宪政的十三要义(包括维护法律尊严,限制王权僭越,废除宗教法庭,严格限制税收,确认人民请愿权,禁止平时招募常备军,准许人民携带自卫武器,自由选举国会议员,国会议员言论自由,厘清和改进司法审判,国会必须定期召开,以讨论国政,增进人民福利等);三是确立了王位继承顺序,规定威廉及玛丽去世后,王位传于公主的直系继承人,无子女则传给丹麦的安公主及其直系继承人,再无子女则传给奥伦治王子的直系继承人。《权利法案》不仅是英国宪政的又一个里程碑,而且影响到其他国家的宪政,演化为各国宪法中的权利条款。

  就是到了这里,英国宪政的演变历程还远远没有结束,后来的不断调整变化(如1832年开始的选举改革,1911年的《议会法》,1949年的新《议会法》等),已经超出了我们的视野,不过,它的脉络是前后一贯的。了解英国宪政的演化史和英国宪法的内核,能够使我们感受到宪法那沉甸甸的份量。任何轻飘飘地对宪法玩弄辞藻的举动,都是对宪政精神的一种糟践。更值得我们深思的是,在一个没有宪政传统的国家中,即使是渐进式的宪政建设,都会有着想不到的巨大阻力,甚至连那种热衷于修宪的举动,都有可能南辕北辙。哪怕前途是光明的,道路却依然是曲折的,而且对这种曲折做出任何充分的估计都不过份。中国缺少的不是浅薄,而是深沉;不是浮躁,而是坚韧。

(资料来自法律教育网)
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注1,约翰王:(英文名John,无地王约翰,1166年或1167年12月24日~1216年10月18日或19日),英格兰国王,由1199年到1216年在位。他在任内被迫签署保障贵族及骑士,以及保护公民与自由民利益的自由大宪章,但是却无意遵守,不过罗马梵蒂冈却支持他,宣布大宪章无效,随后内战爆发,约翰在内战中死去,由其子亨利三世继位。
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注2,贵族:盎格鲁萨克逊时代社会分为贵族、自由人(freeman, Creorl, sokeman, villanus)、农奴(serf)、奴隶。贵族拥有私有司法权。贵族封号来自世袭和加封。仅长子拥有爵位继承权(Primogeniture),其余子女仍为庶民。大贵族共有五级:duke, marquis, earl, viscount, baron。加封各级贵族,均用特许状(patent),加盖国玺,加封男爵原来用诏令(writ),後习用特许状。在非正式场合,男爵至侯爵及公爵之子可以称为Lord,公爵仍需以Duke称之。
Duke来自拉丁文dux。除亲王之外,英国共有26位公爵:Duke of Abercorn, Duke of Argyll, Duke of Atholl, Duke of Beaufert, Duke of Bedford, Duke of Buccleuch, Duke of Devonshire, Duke of Hamilton, Duke of Grafton, Duke of Leeds, Duke of Leinster, Duke of Manchester, Duke of Marborough, Duke of Montrose, Duke of Newcastle, Duke of Nolfolk, Duke of Northumberland, Duke of Portland, Duke of Richmond, Duke of Roxburghe, Duke of Rutland, Duke of St. Albans, Duke of Somerset, Duke of Sutherland, Duke of Wellington, Duke of Westminster。
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注3,内阁:英国内阁制,经由攸久的历史经验,逐渐抟造而成。它可以说没有特定的制度,是随实际政治运作之需要,发展出来。
亨利第一设立皇家政院(Curia Regis),其成员主要为大臣、法官、部分主教和男爵。至15世纪时改称枢密院(Privy Council)。内阁(cabinet)始于查理二世(1660~1685年)。当时有枢密院大臣47人。查理二世重用Clifford、Arlington、Buckingham、Ashley、Landerdale五人,时人称之为cabal ministry。因为这五人经常在密室中商议,故成为Cabinet Council。但当时系受国王利用借以疏通国会的国会有力人士组成,乃对国王,而非对国会负责,仍是王制之一环;至1688年光荣革命,国会虽渐占优势,但国王仍掌行政大权;至汉诺威王朝(Hanover)乔治第一(1714~1727年)开始,由于他系由德国入主英国,不谙英语,不能亲理政务,行政大权才渐移内阁之上;再经过十九世纪的发展,现代意义的内阁制方才形成。历经二、三百年,内阁名称如一,实质却大异其趣。再分析其权力变迁的途径,是内阁渐次控制了国王,国会又控制了内阁,以至后来反成为内阁,甚至内阁首相控制国会,大权独揽。
内阁在法理上是枢密院的一个委员会。首相的官衔是The First Lord of Treasury。政党领袖奉召入白金汉宫觐见英王後,随即展开组阁工作。通常有下列大臣受邀入阁。枢密大臣(Lord President of the Council)、掌玺大臣(Lord Privy Seal)、大法官(Lord Chancellor)、度支大臣(Chancellor of the Exchequer)、外交大臣(Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs)、内政大臣(Secretary of State for Home Affairs)、海军大臣(First Lord of Admiralty)、陆军大臣(Secretary of State for War)、空军大臣(Secretary of State for Air)、自治领大臣(Secretary of State for Dominions)、苏格兰事务大臣(Secretary of State for Scottish Affairs)
英王颁布命令,须经内阁首相或有关阁员副署,否则不生效力。当然,副署者必须负责,相对的,权力也就由之享有,英王的地位是「统而不治」(reign but no Govern),不必负责,故而也不享权力。副署制的精神,就在权责相符;此外,副署者当然只对自己认可者副署,故而并非向英王负责,而是向自己、向人民负责。
英国内阁制之行政与立法一体,也就是内阁成员均来自国会议员,内阁与国会水乳交融,故而不是分立,而是混合式的政府(Mixed goverment)。此外,透过政党政治,内阁经常可以控制国会,在「国会主权」原则下,反而时常成为「内阁主权」,阁揆高度专权也常宛如过去的君主。虽然如此,国会与内阁之间,依旧可以有互相制衡之处,内阁可以解散国会,而国会则可以提出不信任投票(vote of want of confidence),如通过不信任投票,就成倒阁。
解散权要相对于倒阁权,取得平衡,方成美事;反之倒阁权也要能与解散权保持平衡,自不待言。如此行政立法二权方能避免独大,否则就违背了民主政治中,限制权力的原理。
但是平衡机制的运作,最后是诉诸人民裁判的。戴雪就认为,解散权,乃是将「法律的主权者」(sovereignty of parliament);也就是国会;转而向「政治的主权者」(political authority);也就是人民;换言之,拥有最高主权的国会,当面对与内阁意见相左时,要由人民用选票加以审判。
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注4,议会:在盎格鲁萨克逊时代,一切有关立法、征税、和战、司法及领土等事物,国王必须征得贤人会议的允许。11世纪诺曼征服之后,改为The Great Council。1295年爱德华第一,召集“模范议会”(the First Complete and Model Parliament the Three Estates)。後来,骑士与平民代表合为一组,高级教士与贵族合为一组,下级教士离去。三级会议成为两级会议,所以英国议会的两院制起源于14世纪前期。
上院在1911年的《议会法》通过之后,重要性一落千丈。上院保留司法权,且是英国的最高上诉法院。下院的弹劾案,由上院审判。上院的议员分为四类:王室亲王、贵族、教士、法官贵族(Law Lord)。上院教士议员共26人,坎特伯雷大主教,约克大主教,伦敦主教,Durham主教,温彻斯特主教,其它主教21人,前五人是法律规定,后21人由其它主教中,依资格先后入选,一旦失去教职,即失去上议员资格。法官贵族,为终身职,但非世袭。新贵族的加封,人选由首相提请英王加封。新封贵族第一次进上院,须携带封爵特许状(Letter Patent)及召见状(Writ of Summons),在上院登记。破产、判刑的贵族,不得出席上院。世袭贵族仅长子有继承权,其余子女仍为平民。依法继承爵位的贵族不能拒绝继承。
下议院的座次如下:
三楼包厢 贵族妇女听席
二楼走廊 新闻记者席
二楼走廊
议长席位
二楼走廊
执政党议席
首相、阁员
影子内阁
反对党议席
书记
大桌
权杖圣经文典
执政党议席
反对党议席
二楼走廊 外国世界及特邀嘉宾
三楼走廊 普通旁听席
下议院的议长必须超然于党派,离职时一般被擢升为贵族,几成惯例。
上下议院左右两旁,各有一间division lobby,作为辩论后清点人数用。上院表决时,赞成者称为content,不赞成者称为not content。下院表决时分别称为aye和no。表决时,由议长说:I think the ayes (noes) have it. 如无人反对则说:The ayes (noes) have it. 如有人反对议长结论,叫 The noes (ayes) have it. 时,议长鸣铃,锁上下院大门,令赞成者入右端division lobby,反对者入左端之室。并从双方各指派两个高个,互相监督计点人数。
下议院的法定开会人数为40人,不满40人则自然流会。在投票前本方议员人数占少数情况下,议员经常拖长演讲,以便让本党党鞭督促本党议员出席投票。
上院议员不得步入下院,下院议员除赴上院恭听英王训词之外,亦不得涉足上院。上院由两个掌事(two masters in chancery)前往下院送信,下院则由书记为之。
下议员在开会前40天,开会后40天中,不受逮捕。上议院议员则任何时候都不受逮捕。不过这种特权仅限于民事。议员遭逮捕後,法院要立即通知议会。
议员遵守事宜:1 每一议员对每一议题只能发言一次;2 发言不能涉及过去的任何辩论;3 发言不能涉及另一议院的任何辩论;4 发言不能涉及任何议员的名字;5 发言不能对国王、国会、议员抨击或不敬之词。下议员有下列任一情况必须辞职:接受有报酬之职位;被封为贵族;疯狂6个月以上;破产而未清理;归化他国。议会有驱逐议员的权力,但被驱逐者可重新当选。
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注5,君主:
5世纪以前萨克逊人散居于莱茵河至易北河之间;盎格鲁人居住在易北河至Schleswig之间;朱特人住在Schleswig至日得兰之间。他们平时受治于若干社长 Principe,皆由民选。遇到战事,则由诸社长抽签决定一首领,一经选出,人人服从之。等战事平息,即还政与民,与普通社长无异。
5世纪以后,英人开始入侵英伦三岛。英人一遇战事就有一个warking。从5世纪到11世纪史称“盎格鲁萨克逊时代”,是英国王权形成的年代。起先国王由witenagemot在王族中推选,後渐成世袭。
王位由长子继承,如长子去世则由长子之子女继承;长子无嗣,则由次子继承;如次子去世,由次子子女继承之,以此类推。如王祚已断,国会须集议另迎新朝。
国王成年年龄为18岁。未满18岁,须由议会任命一摄政。国王必须为新教徒。国王的加冕典礼由坎特伯雷大主教主持。典礼包括coronation和unction。
王后有三种Queen Consort, Queen Regnant, Mother Queen。王后身份与庶民相同。历史上共有六位女王:Mary I, Elizabeth I, Mary II, Anne, Victoria, Elizabeth II。女王丈夫头衔为 Prince Consort。
英王未享实权,但这并不表他即不具任何影响力;一方面他仍具传统王室的光荣尊贵地位,一方面依照宪法惯例,他并非全无权限。更由于他地位崇高,并具超然中立立场(未直接涉入任何实际之政治权力运作),使英王得以发挥一种调和鼎鼐之功能。政治应是一门具任何可能的艺术,英国内阁制虽已颇具弹性,但依然需要某一协调严重政治冲突的角色。国内学着黄德北曾指出:英王及其私人秘书,即担任一种政治协商者,所谓「诚实掮客」(honest broker)的角色。如何避免任何太过严重的宪政僵局,在任何国家均属重要,而英国王室此一「无用之用」之功能,实颇具政治智慧。







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